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Laboure Intensive Special Public Works Programme El obeid Area Council

(university of Khartoum, 1887) Elsammani, Mohammed Osman

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(Sudan National Archive, 1963) Babekir,Mohamed Abdelslam

• This document provides a historical background about the evolution of the native administration system and approaches adopted by colonial governments towards native administration at the time. It also highlights Milner Committee Report which remains confidential. In the document it is submitted that due to 1924 nationalistic movement in Sudan the colonial government strengthened the tribal system in order to weaken the momentum of the Sudanese nationalist movement aligned with Egypt at the time. This has given the British colonial masters the opportunity to build the tribal system as well as to use tribalism as a shield from the attacks of, what Sir John Mafy called, 'the political clowns'. The colonial government at that time has serious concerns about the rise of the star of Abdel Rahman Al-Mahdi as an influential figure in rural areas and the alliance with Sudanese intellectuals who pioneered Sudanese nationalist movement. This alliance between traditional ‘bigoted’ forces aligned with the Mahdia and the modern nationalists will no doubt threaten or undermine the authority of the colonial government. • Therefore, the document states that the main colloidal objective between 1927 and 1933 is to create ‘a deterrent current’ against the Mahadist Movement through supporting the tribal base of traditional leaders and strengthen their authority or power structure. The colonial government has also serious concerns when it later discovered that Abdelrahman Al-Mahadi managed to win the hearts and minds of traditional tribal leaders. In this context the colonial government rushed the introduction of legislations related to native administration courts both in the north and the south. These courts were considered as political and administrative institutions which operate under the supervision of the executive branches of the government including government inspectors. Despite the objection of members of the judiciary to the fact that the judiciary is working under executive supervision they nevertheless accepted this system as an 'administrative system’ rather than a judicial one. • However, after the introduction of legislations regulating native administration courts, no real institutional progress was made and all hopes to create a viable legal system were faltered under tribal ‘bigots’ and artificial tribal institutions lacking solid institutional structure. The consistent endeavours and efforts to give tribal and traditional leaders judicial as well as tax levying powers as well as executive powers were all failed due to lack of independent financial resources, education and competence. • Although the native administration system was advocated by the British colonial administration, the policy is to replace it by local government system and make it more democratic. Despite this policy some rural areas of tribal nature and native administration system were maintained. Accordingly, Sudan was divided into three main areas: Red which symbolizes big towns; burgundy which symbolises developed areas and black which symbolizes tribal areas. • The Sudanization process pushed the British colonial administration to make some amendments to what is called the 'system of native administration judiciary' according to which the Chief Justice was given jurisdiction to supervise native courts. This power of the Chief Justice further delegated to other provinces and resident Judges assumed responsibilities. This creates, for the first time, duality or conflicts between the powers of the native courts, as administered by traditional tribal leaders, and powers of the judges representing the judiciary. • The report concludes that native courts remained since its inception and during all stages of its evolution the executive enjoys arbitration or juridical powers. It is quite obvious during the condominium colonial Rule that that there are distinction between 'State Courts’ which apply criminal laws and the legal principles of civil laws and native courts. The latter courts which apply customary laws are considered as part of the administrative or executive branches of government and hence there is no conflict of jurisdiction.

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Ensuring Security between Pastoralists Tribes and Prevention of Crimes

(University of Khartoum, 1963-08-26) Alsuni, Banaga

• The above document is a memorandum obtained from the Sudan National Archive. It was discussed in a forum on 'Promotion of Community Affairs' held between 2-5 September 1963 in collaboration with the ‘Community Development Centre’ and the National Committee of UNSECO at the Ministry of Education to discuss the issue of 'Pastoralists Settlement'. The report clearly states that in order to prevent crimes effectively it is important to understand tribal communities in Sudan so as to apply certain standards to them. The report further states that the prevailing and respected laws of tribal communities are those laws which applied by native courts and enacted during the colonial era. These laws mainly derived from customs and traditions and tailored towards realization of justice and peace between various tribes. During the 1920th some laws and regulations were enacted and put in place to regulate the powers of native courts and tribal leaders such as Omdas and Nazirs, particularly those aspects related to the maintenance of security. These laws were also incorporated as part of the Sudan laws. • Tribal Structures antithetical to Justice? The report raises a fundamental question: can the laws of the native courts and tribal structures realize justice as provided for by the legislators? In answering this question the report has focused on two main issues. First, the inherent nature and composition of tribal communities as antithetical to the idea of justice which makes it extremely difficult to be realized. At the head of the tribal system is the Sheikh of the tribe; a key figure in the tribal structure or institution. The report critically states that he concentrates in his hand all judicial and administrative powers and further supported and surrounded by his cousins and close relatives who have close blood ties, and as a result, all judicial and administrative powers concentrated in their hands. The report argues that tribal relations are also complicated as various clans and sub-clans normally have their own internal feuds. For example, some clans have staunch and traditional opponents. In this context it is difficult for tribal leaders to ensure justice and apply it in a neural and transparent manner. • Secondly, the report argues that tribal Sheiks normally involved in disputes with other tribes over pastures, land and water resources and they may end up abusing their powers. The report argues that legislators at the time put in place certain legal guarantees such as right of appeal which restricts those who enjoy judicial and administrative powers from abusing their powers. Nevertheless, these guarantees or measures may not ensure justice as some harmful tribal practices are considered as repugnant or not in harmony with the fundamentals of justice and hence present a real challenge. The author of the report argues that from his practical experience and involvement with various tribes he noticed that individual victims normally do not press charges or appeal against court verdicts as such appeals seen by members of the tribe as a stigma and therefore it is better to keep silent despite bitter and ill feelings of injustice. Those individuals who have the desire to lodge an appeal may also be regarded as not observing the customs and traditions of the tribe and become outcasts. Conversely, those who appeal are not more than one out of ten individuals. Thus, this reality of traditional tribal communities severely affects justice and these issues deserve careful thoughts and quite reflections. • Criminal Responsibility: the report argues tribal justice tends to imposes communal responsibility on the whole tribe rather than individual criminal responsibity as recognize in criminal laws; the whole tribe may be punished for acts committed by a member of the tribe. In a theft case, for example, the tribe may be punished with fine or compensation for lost property. This because tribal life is communal and the individual does not enjoy an autonomous existence but 'melted' in his tribe. Also, in cases of murder or homicide the principle of diya applies after the family of the accused pays a decent sum of money as compensation for the family of the victim. However, in minor cases or injuries the accused bears individual criminal responsibility according to native courts law. The report highlights other methods and ways of settling crimes through what is called 'tribal organizations' which include representatives of each tribe involved in cases related to camel thefts or tribal fight. These organizations meet and negotiate settlements, engage in concilaition talks and pay compensation for the damaged or lost properties. Resolving tribal conflicts through tribal meetings or organizations, the author argues, is an old established practice of the Bedouin communities. • The Judiciary: the author argues that in the past administrators were endowed with judicial responsibilities as they have proven experience working amongst tribes to settle disputes. The author strongly supports those administrators as they were regarded as 'administrative judges' who remain in tribal areas and acquainted with tribal traditions and managed to keep tribal peace and prevent crimes. Also, statutory civil and criminal laws cannot be applied in courts and hence administrative judges have assumed responsibilities through engagement with Nazirs, Sheikhs and Omdas for the purposes of reaching conciliations

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The Managil Extension

(University of Khartoum, 1964) Khogali, Mustafa M.

Swansik Geconaerer

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Pouttry-Manure As An Ameliorative Fertilizer For Salinized Soils Sown To Snapbeans In A Semi-Arid Environment

(uofk, 1966) Abdelrahman, Mubarak

The ameliorative effect of poultry manure, added as a fertilizer to salinized soils, was studied in pot experiments at four rates of manure: 0, 10, 20 and 32 tonsiha and four levels of irrigation water salinity: 0.26, 1.0, 1.5 and 2.5 mmhos/cm applied to soils classified -Vertisols and Entisols sown to snapheans (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) in Northern Sudan (Khartoum State). The results obtained indicated that shoot dry matter and pod dry matter yields and both of leaf N and P contents were significantly decreased as the salinity of irrigation water increased. Conversely, the magnitude of the above mentioned parameters increased significantly as the rate of manure addition increased suggesting yield and nutrients uptake advantages from the addition and incorporation of manure i;: salt-affected soils. On the other hand, both salinity and manure levels enhanced uptake. In general, the growth of plants was better on the Vertisols than on the Entisols.

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Sudan's Prominent Tribes

(University of Khartoum, 1969) Yousif, Abou Grooun

• The status of women in Beja Tribes in Eastern Sudan (p. 76). The author argues in this book that women are most respected among the Beja tribes and according to their traditions and customs women shall not be beaten or receive inhumane or cruel treatment. For example, the crime of adultery only the accused or adulterous male who commit the act of adultery will be punished. The rationale behind non-criminalization of women is based on the believe that women are weak by nature and subject to manipulation or sedition by men. Then, the burden is on men not to commit adultery. • Illegitimate Children (p.68): Children born outside wedlock are recognized (particularly in Bushareen tribe) and their legitimate status will not be affected or stigmatized in the future merely because they are illegitimate. Generally women confess about the illegitimate relationship and in most occasions they end up getting married but in this case only third of the dowry is payable. • Dowry and Divorce in Dinka Tribes in Southern Sudan (p. 138): Dinka pay 100 cows as a dowry when they get married. In case of divorce dowry (whether money or cows) shall be returned. However, if the woman has a child from this marriage the husband is under obligation to leave part of the dowry to pay for the maintenance or upbringing of the child. However, if the child is female the husband (unlike the case of a male child) shall leave larger amount of the dowry for her upbringing. This is because under the customary law of the Dinka women bring cows to the family when get married, therefore more valuable than men. • Zandi Tribes (p. 154): the author of the book highlighted the customs and traditions of the Zandi tribes and the social classes which consist of upper, middle and lower classes. He argued that the younger generations of expected rulers are normally receive teachings in order to acquaint them with the tribal customs and traditions. They also attend tribal and customary court sessions involving dispute resolutions or mediation so as to be prepared for future leadership roles in managing the tribal affairs and issues of tribal governance. • Marriage in Nuwer Tribes (p.151): One of the unusual traditions or customs of the Nuwer tribes in southern Sudan is that when a polygamous husband dies the older son has the right to inherit his father’s wives (with the exception of his mother). The newly born children of the son will not be regarded as his own but still considered as his brothers in accordance with the prevailing customary laws of the tribe. • The Baria Tribes in southern Sudan (.142-145): The author argues that Baria tribes have a unique system of tribal dispute resolution. Elders of the tribe carefully examine the dispute in question, reach a decision and submit it to the Chief of the tribe for assent. The author argues that the Baria tribes employ certain methods of enquiry and investigation such as requesting the accused person to jump over a sharp metal (harba) or licking the metal by his mouse or swear by putting his hands on the head of a dead body or corpse. Regarding criminal investigations of murder cases, the author argues that accused normally asked to bring soil from the grave of the dead person and mix it with water and makes him drink it. Regarding land ownership, every clan allocated a demarcated piece of land for the purpose of dwelling and cultivation. Land can also be acquired through usufructuary rights (hyaza) and not through marriage. Regarding pasture rights, each clan has its own pastures and trespassing is prohibited. The same applies to rivers or water sources which are carefully demarcated and allocated to each tribe for the purposes of fishery and other practices. Tribal boundaries are well-known and accordingly no tribe or clan is allowed to trespass into the area of the other unless authorized or permitted to do so.

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The Development and Problems of Port Sudan

(University of Khartoum, 1970) Khogali, Mustafa M.

The Development and Problems of Port Sudan

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مجلس ريفي روما مسح الموارد الطبيعية والخدمات- القائمة

(university of Khartoum, 1970) Elsammani,Mohammed Osman ; مصطفى ,معاوية محمد ; عبدالله,محمد الحسن احمد

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Lower Order Planning Units For Rural Development In The Sudan

(university of Khartoum, 1971) Elsammani,Mohammed Osman

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Diya of the Miseria Tribe after the Abolition of Native Administration

(University of Khartoum, 1973-04) Alkhalifa, Elsheikh

• Diya (blood money) is normally paid in murder cases to the family of the victim and Miseria calls it ‘mihaya al-dam’ which means in Arabic (the blood eraser). It is paid in all cases irrespective whether the accused is convicted or acquitted. If accepted no revenge shall take place and it hence acts as a deterrence mechanism for further violence. Before diya is agreed upon and paid tribal conciliation ‘sulh’ is required between the family of the accused and the family of the victims. The author argues that conciliation is normally accomplished through Agaweed (credible conciliators) normally agreed upon by both parties to the conflict. • Miseria have two types of diya: (a) diya of ‘Saf’ and; (b)diya of ‘Badna’. However, the mount of diya varies and depends on the gravity of the crime. For example, murder in the context of tribal fight or intentional murder requires payment of 60 cows if the victim is a male and 30 cows if the victim is a female. In cases of manslaughter or unintentional murder diya is 30 cows for a male victim and 15 cows for a female victim. Other types of compensation fall short of diya are applied in cases of grievous bodily harm (GBH), deliberate limb amputation or loss of body parts (i.e. eye, nose, ear, teeth etc..) 30 cows is payable if the aggrieved person is a male and 15 cows if a female. • When diya is paid to members of the family of the victim, they are prohibited to take any sort of revenge otherwise social sanctions will be imposed on them and the family will regarded as socially outcast and no longer belongs to the tribe. The author argues that the system of diya as practiced by the Meseria tribe has assumed a vital role in resolving social and communal disputes particularly in the absence of the Police in the tribal areas to maintain law and order. • The author then highlights obstacles facing the implementation of the diya system after its abolition. He argues that in the past Nazir of the tribe, aided by Omda, is a key figure in the administration and distribution of the diya system and his role as a presiding Judge of Native Court as regulated by the Administration of Courts Act. This Act empowers or entrusts native courts to apply customary law when adjudicating cases. However, after the abolition of native administration, the role of the tribal justice was weakened and undermined. The author then has raised serious questions such as whether government local councils will be able to replace it, particularly the Local Popular Government Act entrusted the executive councils to engage in arbitration and tribal conciliation ( section 5 (10).

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دراسة ظاهرة التخلف بإقليم البحر الأحمر

(university of Khartoum, 1974) Elsammani,Mohammed Osman ; دليل, مكي المبارك

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1971 People Local Government Act in the Sudan an Examination Efficacy

(University of Khartoum, 1976) Mohammed, Adam A.

1971 People Local Government Act in the Sudan an Examination Efficacy

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الأسس الاقتصادية لاستقرار البدو في السودان

(University of Khartoum, 1977) Khogali, Mustafa M.

الأسس الاقتصادية لاستقرار البدو في السودان

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Effects of season and infection on composition of mastitic milk of the Friesian cattle in Sudan

(uofk, 1977-10-28) ElYas, Ibtisam

Clinical mastitis, as measured by California mastitis tests (CMT), has a significant effect on casein. lactose, total solids. chloride, Koestlerm; value and ash. Similarly. mastitis sample that collected during summer showed significant effects on caseins, whey proteins and ash, total proteins and fat. Staphylococcus aureus, isolated from clinical mastitis. has a significant effect on chloride and lactose. However, S. aureus, isolated during summer, from mastitic cows. showed significant effects on caseins, chloride, whey proteins, acidity and fat per cent.

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The Democratic Republic of The Sudan

(university of Khartoum, 1978) Elsammani, Mohammed Osman